Cambios y permanencias
https://revistas.uis.edu.co/index.php/revistacyp
<p align="justify">The Revista Cambios y Permanencias is a biannual scientific publication of the the Universidad Industrial de Santander and promoted by the Historia, Archivística y Redes de Investigación Research Group, HARED. Its purpose is to disseminate works of a multi and interdisciplinary nature oriented to social studies. In this sense, the Revista Cambios y Permanencias journal opens the space for dialogues between all those disciplines which address, from different perspectives, the reflection on the social matters.</p>Universidad Industrial de Santanderes-ESCambios y permanencias2027-5528<p><a title="Creative Commons" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" target="_blank"><img src="/public/site/images/isurezpinzn/CCBY-large.jpg" alt=""></a></p> <p>Licencia Attribution 4.0 International</p>Editorial
https://revistas.uis.edu.co/index.php/revistacyp/article/view/16318
<p>El republicano y multimillonario estadounidense Donald Trump regresó a la presidencia de los Estados Unidos el 20 de enero del 2025, apoyado por una coalición interclasista constituida por el sector inmobiliario, neoconservadores, la derecha de Silicon Valley, la pequeña burguesía rural, productores de acero, inversores de criptomonedas y un poco lúcido magnate sudafricano (Jäger, 2024). Es probable que las caídas y olvidos seniles de Jon Biden y las inconsistencias en la política internacional demócrata (apoyo a Israel y Ucrania) restaran sufragantes en varios de los estados en los que históricamente dicho partido predominó (Nevada, Michigan, Arizona, etc.). Sin embargo, es innegable que la inclinación de muchos de los llamados “estados péndulo” hacia la política republicana de Trump fue una respuesta a la inmigración, más allá de las simpatías que produjo entre las clases medias y bajas su <br>defensa del uso del carbono, sus promesas de recortes y los ataques a la diversidad. El entonces candidato en campaña prometió, recordemos, realizar la mayor operación de deportación en la historia de los Estados Unidos, para hacer realidad un reencauchado eslogan usado por varios exmandatarios a partir de Ronald Reagan: Make american great again. Dicho lema denota un peligroso mesianismo clasista y racista, basado en la doctrina del Destino Manifiesto. Según esta, los Estados Unidos son el pueblo elegido por Dios; es decir, que su expansión política y territorial se justifica por el derecho que él les otorgó.</p>Daniel O. Ramírez Galvis
Copyright (c) 2025 Cambios y permanencias
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2025-05-132025-05-1316117The dissemination of Homeopathy in Mexico through the newspaper "El Propagador Homeopático" (1870-1874)
https://revistas.uis.edu.co/index.php/revistacyp/article/view/16319
<p>The objective of this work is to analyze the newspaper El Propagador Homeopático, spokesperson for the Mexican Homeopathic Institute, which was published between 1870 and 1874. The goal is to understandthe way in which homeopathic doctors, affiliated with this association, disseminated the principles on which this healing method was supported, defended itfrom the attacks, and documented its growth in Mexico and around the world, as evidenced by the number of patients treated free of charge. Since its introduction in the 1850s, homeopathy faced attacks from allopaths who discredited it and sought to prevent its practice, claiming that patients were “deceived.” To defend their position, homeopaths used the press to explain the virtues of a healing system that, in their view, had solid scientific bases and could, therefore, be established as a legitimate alternative for treating the population. The use of the press by homeopaths showed their intention to have a presence in the sphere of public opinion and, above all, to have a medium that would grant them legitimacy as a scientific association.</p>Rogelio Jiménez Marce
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2025-05-132025-05-13161927The Naval Battle of Lake Maracaibo and the zuliana Popular Tenth during the 19th and 20th centuries
https://revistas.uis.edu.co/index.php/revistacyp/article/view/16320
<p>As an expression of Zulian popular culture, the décima has become one of the main expressions of the work of the towns <br>located on the shores of Lake Maracaibo. In the same way and, through the singing of their minstrels (the decimistas), in a communi<br>cative and memoristic nexus through time. In this paper we study and analyze how the popular Zulian decimistas have described and sung the main events of the Naval Battle of Lake Maracaibo and its protagonists through the metric form of the ingenious Vicente Espinel. For its preparation, the historical-documentary research method was used. It is concluded that the Naval Battle of Lake Maracaibo is a recurring, repetitive and inexhaustible theme for the Zulian popular decimists, who have described it in an epic way, extolling the determination and courage of its main historical actors, symbolizing that combat as the libertarian sacrifice that stained its waters and shores with blood.</p>Pablo Nigal Palmar Paz
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2025-05-132025-05-131612939Controversies Regarding Ecclesiastical Parishioners and Inter-Ethnic Coexistence in the Colonial Northeast of Neo-Granada
https://revistas.uis.edu.co/index.php/revistacyp/article/view/16321
<p>The social and demographic dynamics registered in the northeastern colonial Neo-Granada developed amidst e the Spanish colonial <br>state’s attempt to create a distinction between the republic of Indians and the republic of whites. However, social reality outgrew this segregationist framework due to the depletion of available land, growing miscegenation, and the inevitable rapprochement between ethnic groups. The gaps and uncertainties regarding settlement and political-administrative organization sparked debates about the jurisdictional scope, both civil and ecclesiastical, in a society that was increasingly becoming more complex. In this context, this article analyzes the debate surronding the parishioners and ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Additionally, a specific proposal of inter-ethnic coexistence between Indians, whites and mestizos in the indigenous town of Curití will be examined in detail in clear defiance of the prevailing restrictive rules.</p>Roger Pita Pico
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2025-05-132025-05-131614156Miners, parish priests and landowners: Approaches to the network of miners between Huichapan and Villa de Cadereyta, 18th century, Mexico
https://revistas.uis.edu.co/index.php/revistacyp/article/view/16322
<p>The following article aims to analyze the znetwork of miners between Huichapan and Villa de Cadereyta based on lawsuits, credits and mortgages stored in the Historical Archive of the Judicial Power OF the State of Hidalgo, as well as the list of merits of the General Archives of the Indies and Simancas. The participation and strategies followed by some Europeans to join the network of mi<br>ners from Huichapan who invested in the mines of Villa de Cadereyta are studied. The characteristics of the jurisdiction of Cadereyta <br>that was established as the mayor’s office are analyzed. Based on the case study, the conditions of certain mines will be presented. <br>Finally, we will approach the network of miners and the way in which they participated in the large San Juan Nepomuceno mine, <br>situated during a period of reorganization of the New Spain army of the Sierra Gorda, alongside the reactivation and mining boom of the second half of the 18th century.</p>Benito Benedetto Pérez MendozaSandra Jazmín Juárez Hernández
Copyright (c) 2025 Cambios y permanencias
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2025-05-132025-05-131615772 Epistemic dispossession and memories. The importance of the anthropological dimension in Political Ecology
https://revistas.uis.edu.co/index.php/revistacyp/article/view/16323
<p>This paper aims to contribute to the debates around the persistence of multiple forms of coloniality, nature among them, and show the responses to the extractivism generated by transnational capital, which, in complicity with the State, consolidate the dispossession of land-territory; but, seeking to provide a different reading to what is usually written. Therefore, focus will be placed on the importance of the anthropological dimension in Political Ecology. This implies expanding the focus on environmental and redistributive conflicts and responses to transnational capital, to get out of that binary scheme that only contemplates resistance that is made public-explicit. In this way, situations of mixture and tensions that occur in the territories are included, which escape the fragmentation that is usually recognized. This research, carried out from the consultation of secondary sources, seeks to highlight those responses that arise in the territories of life loaded with memory of the places that are inhabited, a territory that contains them and where the plots of life are woven, broadening the view of Political Ecology from the anthropological dimension.</p>Silvia Carina Valiente
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2025-05-132025-05-131617383 The Study of Pedagogical Love from the Affective and Emotional Dimension
https://revistas.uis.edu.co/index.php/revistacyp/article/view/16324
<p>The reflective article provides partial results from the doctoral thesis titled: “Ways of Expressing Pedagogical Love in Teachers from <br>Public Schools: Practices and Discourses.” The central argument of the thesis focused on the study of Pedagogical Love, first by cons<br>tructing a semantic field of the concept from a theoretical perspective, and then exploring its empirical dimension by examining the <br>words and actions of teachers in their everyday practices. Thus, this text outlines the theoretical journey within the emergent field of emotions and affects, recognizing their manifestation in three dimensions of relationships: with oneself, with others, and with the external world. It highlights their contribution to understanding and studying pedagogical love in teachers through the perspective of the affective and emotional turn, which helps to frame and comprehend this concept. In conclusion, the article seeks to contribute to a deeper theoretical understanding of what pedagogical love means for teachers, viewed as a relationship grounded in sensitivity and as a tool for further interpreting empirical data.</p>Ángela Virginia Neira Uneme
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2025-05-132025-05-131618598Protest and Organization of the Popular Movement in Barrancabermeja and the Magdalena Medio (1984-1985)
https://revistas.uis.edu.co/index.php/revistacyp/article/view/16325
<p>In the 1980s, Colombia witnessed an upsurge in collective protest actions by the popular movement. This article describes the main <br>popular struggles in the municipality of Barrancabermeja and the Magdalena Medio region during 1984 and 1985. A broad and con<br>tinuous mobilization strengthened the social bases of the nascent political movement Unión Patriótica (UP) in the region. Likewise, <br>in the perspective of the democratic opening and the dispute for local power, the Frente Amplio del Magdalena Medio (FAM) emer<br>ged, achieving in a short period of time the support of diverse social sectors. The Coordinadora Popular de Barrancabermeja played <br>a decisive role in the discussions of the civic movement at the national level. Its organizational structure reached the paralysis of the <br>municipality during the 1985 National Civic Strike in the midst of militarist repression. The Unión Sindical Obrera (USO) did not allow <br>the imposition of the wage policy of the government of Belisario Betancur (1982-1986) in the negotiation of the Collective Bargaining <br>Agreement (1985), and also rejected the interference of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The peasant exodus was an organized response to the violence exercised by the military forces and paramilitary groups, which opposed any progress in the construction of peace in the country.</p>Juan Camilo Delgado Gaona
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2025-05-132025-05-1316199131Espinosa Müller, F. A. (2020). Referentes teóricos para la inclusión urbana. 1.a edición, Ciudad de México, México, Ediciones Navarra.
https://revistas.uis.edu.co/index.php/revistacyp/article/view/16326
<p>El arquitecto, antropólogo y profesor titular de la facultad de arquitectura de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Francisco Acatzin Espinosa Müller, plantea una reflexión teórica, técnica y política sobre los elementos clave para pensar la inclusión urbana en tiempos de la ciudad construida a la medida del mercado neoliberal. La privatización de la vivienda y socialización de los créditos y las rentas a través de la bancarización del techo, que hace cada vez más difícil el acceso a una vivienda digna para las y los habitantes de la ciudad. Este modelo neoliberal ha convertido a todos los derechohabientes “en consumidores de un producto que, además de resultar poco accesible, es de baja calidad y promueve una concepción homogenizante del espacio habitacional” (Espinosa Müller, 2020,p.110), que niega la diversidad de seres humanos socio-históricos que habitan la ciudad.</p>Juan Sebastián Correa Delgado
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2025-05-132025-05-13161129131